Showing posts with label Mekong. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mekong. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 4, 2016

Cambodia - How Dams May Damage Children’s Health

Boy casts fishing net near Don Kho island on the Mekong River in Laos, in undated photo.

Ian G. Baird, a professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and an expert on dams in Southeast Asia, tells of meeting a farmer  and his five-year-old son from a village in rural Laos in 2009.

The two were sitting in a canoe as the sun rose over the Mekong, Baird wrote in 2011.

The farmer removed a carp from his net and tossed it into a bamboo basket that his son was holding.

The farmer had caught four fish, not as many as when fishing with his father when he was a child, but more than enough to feed his family of seven.

“We’re not sure if my son’s children will be able to go fishing in the future,” the farmer said. “The dams planned for the Mekong River scare us.”

Baird noted that this father-and-son scene could easily be replicated hundreds of thousands of times in rural villages situated along the Mekong and its tributaries.

Fish are a vital source of protein for the villagers, but the many dams already being constructed on the Mekong River have been disrupting the migration of more than a hundred species of fish.

For children this loss of protein means slower mental development, poorer performance at school, and less chance to improve their lives as adults.

Early warnings of the impact on children

Researchers have warned in recent years that a loss of fish resources caused by dam building in the region could devastate the health of rural children.

And signs of malnutrition in some rural villages in the region, possibly for a variety of reasons, were already being documented more than a decade ago.

Professor Baird addressed the issue in mid-2011 when he published an article dealing with the potential impact of a dam being built in Laos less than one kilometer north of the Laos-Cambodia border.

Writing for the journal Critical Asian Studies, Baird noted that in Stung Treng Province in northeastern Cambodia, the provincial government’s Department of Planning had already reported in 2003 that 45 percent of children there under the age of five were underweight.

In Laos, the situation was “even more worrying,” according to Baird.

Research by the World Food Program (WFP) found at one point that Laos’ rural population was experiencing “serious nutritional problems, with 50 percent of children chronically malnourished.

Dam construction in Laos

In Laos, construction around one major dam, the Don Sahong, has already blocked many migrating fish and forced fishermen in the area to give up fishing altogether.

Some Lao fishermen have been offered basic construction jobs at the dam sites, but they find it difficult to adjust to losing a way of life that depended on fishing.

Fourteen Lao families are reported to have been given construction jobs after receiving training. Some are learning to drive trucks and will earn around $200 a month.

“But it’s not easy to adjust to the new jobs,” one fisherman from the village of Houa Sadam told RFA several weeks ago.

“We’ve relied on fishing for a long time,” he said. “But we’re not allowed to catch fish near the construction site.”

Another villager said last spring that “we’re okay with working for the company to get paid salaries, but we’re not highly educated like the others. So all we can do is low-skill labor.”

The Don Sahong Dam has been controversial ever since October 2013, when the government of Laos notified the Mekong River Commission (MRC) of its intent to construct the dam.

That was only one month ahead of the start date for construction.

Three of the other MRC members—Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam—argued that construction of a dam on the Mekong’s mainstream required prior consultation under MRC procedures.

But Laos left no time for consultation, and might have ignored any recommendation made by the MRC.

In Cambodia, a study of “Food and Nutrition Security Vulnerability to Mainstream Hydropower Dam Development” gives an idea of how bad things could get if negative trends continue into the next decade.

That report, issued by the Inland Fisheries Research and Development Institute in Phnom Penh, concludes that losses to the supply of fish due to Cambodian mainstream dams could cause consumption of inland fish to “dramatically decline” by 2030.

The report explains that dams and their reservoirs constitute a “double obstacle” to fish.

“The dam is a physical obstacle to adults trying to migrate upstream, and the reservoir is an environmental obstacle to larvae and juveniles trying to migrate downstream,” the report says.

Fish passes, it says, can help mitigate the impact of dams, “but they are not a magic bullet. …On the mainstream and in the lower part of the Mekong, the intensity of migrations is such that no fish pass can provide a realistic mitigation measure.”

One thing that everyone in Cambodia seems to agree on is the difficulty of replacing fish in the Cambodian diet.

Simon Funge-Smith, a senior fisheries resources officer at the Rome-based Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), says that “the data from household surveys and numerous nutrition studies clearly shows the importance of fish in the Cambodian diet.”

In an email in answer to a query from RFA, Funge-Smith said that there are no immediate replacements for fish in the form of other sources of animal and plant protein, and “certainly none with the same nutritional quality as fish.”

Until now, the Mekong River has been able to support the largest inland fishery region in the world.

Radio Free Asia, meanwhile, reported a year ago that the fish population in Cambodia’s Tonle Sap Lake had declined significantly from the year before.

Fishermen in the country’s Kampong Chhnang Province cited the construction of dams in the region and climate change, among other factors, as causes of the decline of fish stocks in Southeast Asia’s largest freshwater lake.

The shortages then led to an increased price for fish in the region, making it harder for residents to make prahok, the fermented fish paste that is a staple of the Cambodian diet, according to Sim Sophana, a member of the provincial Fishing Network nongovernmental organization.

Vietnam pays a heavy price

In Vietnam’s heavily populated Mekong Delta, home to some 18 million people, one can see most vividly the impact on vulnerable people brought on by a combination of El Nino-induced drought, climate change, bad rice farming practices, the impact of upstream dams, rising sea levels, and the intrusion of salt water.

Vietnamese farmers in the Mekong Delta complain that upstream dams have greatly reduced the amount of silt, or sediment, that once reached the Delta.

Rising sea levels as well as the loss of silt that is needed to maintain riverbanks and riverbeds have now resulted in salt water reaching nearly 40 miles into the Delta.

According to United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), in the 18 Vietnamese provinces most affected by the drought and salt intrusion, two million people, including 520,000 children, are in need of humanitarian assistance.

An estimated 1.5 million of those two million live in the Mekong Delta, where “water shortages have been exacerbated by the saltwater intrusion,” UNICEF said in situation report on June 10.

The Delta is the source of 50 percent of Vietnam’s staple food crops and 60 percent of its fish production.

The first of those to pay the price for its diminishing productivity are the most vulnerable members of Vietnamese society—women and children.

Dan Southerland



You can find older posts regarding ASEAN politics and economics news at SBC blog, and older posts regarding health and healthcare at IIMS blog. I thank you.

Thursday, June 30, 2016

ASEAN - Why ASEAN must pay more attention to the Mekong Delta

The recent diplomatic spat between Indonesia and Singapore over the city-state’s effort to prosecute an Indonesian businessman for his alleged involvement in the haze last year was a frank reminder of the devastating impact man-made disasters can have on the region.

Yet while the regional haze — considered the worst since 1997 — attracted most of the headlines around the world, another man-made disaster has struck the ASEAN region virtually almost under the radar: the Mekong Delta drought.





The great Mekong River — which from its source in the Tibetan plateau of China passes through Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam before flowing out to the South China Sea — is at its lowest level in a century after experiencing its worst dry spell in 90 years.

Experts suggest a combination of the stronger than-normal El Niño weather pattern, climate change and, most worryingly, the construction of dams along Mekong River, are responsible for this disaster.

At an estimated 4,350 kilometers in length, it should be remembered that the Mekong River provides livelihoods to an estimated 60 million people who live along its basin, with 90 percent of Vietnam’s rice export coming from the Mekong Delta and Cambodia’s fresh water lake of Tonle Sap providing 60 percent of Cambodians’ protein intake.

Indeed, the fishery sector of the Lower Mekong Basin is estimated at a total value of US$17 billion per year.

At the same time, the implications of the Mekong Delta drought go beyond the Mekong subregion.

As Richard Cronin from the Stimson Center in the United States notes, “People in Indonesia and the Philippines will go hungry if the Thais and Vietnamese don’t produce enough rice […] this is a preview of the longer-term effect of development and climate change to the Mekong Delta.”

A total of 11 mainstream hydropower dams and a further 30 tributary dams have been proposed for construction over the next 20 years.

These include the controversial Xayaburi Dam in Laos which has drawn opposition from neighboring Cambodia and Vietnam. The arguments in favor of such dam projects are that they provide cheaper electricity, will fuel economic development and alleviate poverty.

For a land-locked, impoverished country such as Laos with limited natural resources and a gross domestic product (GDP) of only $12 billion, the economic argument in favor of dam construction is obvious. Aiming for 7 percent GDP growth, the Lao government hopes to export the energy produced by its hydropower dams to neighboring countries.

Despite this, question marks have been raised over the supposed economic benefits and the purported minimal environmental impacts claimed by governments and dam companies.

Critics argue that existing and future dams threaten to reduce fish stocks, decrease the sediments needed for rice harvest, change the quality and quantity of water flows, and lead to unpredictable surges that will have major consequences on communities in the Mekong subregion.

These concerns appear to have materialized with one expert arguing fish yields have dropped by up to 70 percent due to hydropower dams and that whereas villagers reported they could catch 5 to 10 kilograms of fish a day 10 years ago, the catch has gone down to 1 to 2kg a day at present.

At the same time, changes to water flows caused by dams have affected rice yields. Areas that used to be dry in the dry season are now permanently inundated and areas that used to be flooded in the wet season remain dry.

For Vietnam’s Mekong Delta, which relies on the annual floods during the wet season to provide nutrient-rich sediments for its rice fields, such unseasonal droughts are devastating. One Vietnamese official suggested that mainstream hydropower projects on the Mekong River had caused a loss of $231 million in seafood and agriculture output to the Mekong Delta.

Given the transboundary nature of the issues surrounding water resource security in the Mekong subregion, it is unsurprising that efforts have been made at the regional level to ensure greater cooperation. The most notable regional mechanism is the Mekong Agreement of 1995 which established the Mekong River Commission (MRC).

MRC, however, is ineffective to manage the transboundary water resources due to the lack of legally binding agreements. Criticisms have also been made of the Mekong Agreement 1995 itself for its vague definitions of key terms such as the acceptable minimum monthly natural flow and natural reverse flow, and for the limited “notification” procedure that is required by riparian states to inform others about their water development projects.

As one expert pointed out, the agreement means upstream dams in Laos do not require the prior informed consent of Cambodia even though it may have a negative impact downstream.

As far back as 1997 ASEAN had already recognized the need to develop a regional water conservation program as stated in the Hanoi Plan of Action. Similarly in 2003, ASEAN senior officials on the environment adopted the ASEAN Long Term Strategic Plan for Water Resources Management, which identified five key challenges including moving towards integrated river basin management.

Two years later in 2005, ASEAN produced the ASEAN Strategic Plan of Action on Water Resources Management. Recognizing the importance of greater cooperation among riparian states in the Mekong subregion, in 2010 the ASEAN Secretariat announced at a signing ceremony in Hua Hin, Thailand, a partnership agreement with the MRC “in the development and management of the Mekong’s water resources”.

Despite all the efforts, it should be noted that the results of the institutional partnership between ASEAN and the MRC are “limited” due to lack of political will, leadership and resource mobilization.

Tellingly, at the 2010 signing ceremony, the then ASEAN Secretary-General did not attend but was instead represented by the Director of Finance and Infrastructure Directorate of the ASEAN Secretariat.

Moreover, the attendant community blueprints to the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 rarely mentions water resource security.

Indeed the term “water resources” is only found once under the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community Blueprint 2025. Limiting water resources to the socio-cultural pillar is in stark contrast to the riparian states that identify it as a matter of national security.

One Cambodian think tank argues that “national state security is inextricably linked to water usage and management, and the stability of Cambodia as a state can in this manner be disrupted by factors contributing to water insecurity”. In this sense it is questionable why the issue was not included in the ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint 2025.

As such, while regional efforts to ensure water resource security in the Mekong Delta have been made, they have clearly not gone far enough. More attention needs to be given to water resource security in the Mekong subregion and it should be recognized by ASEAN as an issue of critical concern for the region, that has implications that go beyond the riparian states, and that it is a cross-pillar issue that cannot be limited to the socio-cultural realm. The lives of 60 million ASEAN citizens depend on it!

A Ibrahim Almuttaqi

The writer heads the ASEAN Studies Program at The Habibie Center in Jakarta. The views expressed are his own.